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Inthere were changes to the legal framework for combatting corruption and developments in the government's official stance towards Karimova, but no significant changes in the enforcement of laws or eradication of corruption. In January, a law on the fight against corruption was enacted. It also covers the education of state officials about corruption and the prevention and prosecution of corruption-related crimes. In a surprising act, on 28 July the Prosecutor General's office issued a statement about Karimova, stating that she had been charged with offenses from the Criminal Code Articles,and others and found guilty in a ruling on 21 August by the Tashkent Regional Criminal Court, in which Karimova was sentenced to five years' imprisonment.

Additionally, the statement said that investigative efforts were underway in another criminal case against Karimova for her alleged role in assisting a criminal group. In this matter, she was charged with articles,and of the Criminal Code and has been arrested.

The next day, the Swedish prosecutor's office formally charged three former Telia managers. In the indictment, the Swedish prosecutor's office asked the court to petition Russian authorities with a request to question Behzod Ahmedov, a former associate of Karimova, who fled Uzbekistan in and who Karimova blames for the embezzlement.

On exam day, test papers were completed by substitutes. As a result, almost everyone in these special groups received high scores and were granted admission. Despite the reporting, outrage from netizens on social media, and even testimony by a member of parliament,[ ] the prosecutor's office did not find any violations during the entrance exams. Embassy in Uzbekistan, 7 Octoberhttps: The Uzteleradio, the Television and Radio Company of Uzbekistan, which operates in the capital as well as in the provinces, is directly responsible to the government through the Ministry of Broadcasting for their programming.

In sum, although the extensive legislation concerning the media was in keeping with President Karimov's promise in mid that he would improve journalists' working conditions, in practice, the several laws passed by the Parliament in have "not translated into a free and pluralistic media landscape.

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Thus, the practice of self-censorship may rightly be equated with official censorship and condemned in truly democratic countries. However, in societies accustomed to tight government control of many aspects of life, self-censorship may not appear tyrannical.

A survey conducted in the year indicated that 38 percent of journalists in Uzbekistan felt some kind of censorship was necessary to protect against anarchy. A prominent Uzbek TV journalist and station director, Shukhrat Babadjanov, attributed such thinking to "the absence of democratic thinking in the mentality of the Uzbek journalist.

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Attitude toward Foreign Media The presence of foreign media in Tashkent is impressive for its comprehensiveness but not for its staffing, which, with the exception of Russian Public Television ORTis mostly at the level of local stringers.

The foreign media represented are: The government is polite and helpful to foreign media and though it expects them to follow the same guidelines as the domestic media, in practice, the foreign media, particularly those from Western Europe and the United States, prefer to have a low-profile presence rather than confrontation with the government.

The Moscow-based media, notably the Russian Public Television ORTis available everywhere and is almost invariably more popular than the domestic state-controlled TV channel.

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Russian channel 1, RTR, as well as the private channels TV-6 and NTV, are fairly popular thanks to the greater freedom their news broadcast and current affairs programs, mostly political, show. Another reason for their popularity is that both the ORT and RTR include American soaps in their programming, which makes the channels popular with large audiences.

Some CIS members, however, like Uzbekistan, have taken steps to delay and censor the Russian transmission because they fear the impact of the discussions on current affairs unpalatable to the governing regime in Uzbeki-stan. Russian newspapers and magazines do not have an equally attractive market in Uzbekistan, or for that matter, in the CIS. One major reason is the problem with currency convertibility, which makes the cover price of Russian newspapers prohibitive in Uzbekistan.

Even so, prominent newspapers such as Pravda, Izvestya, Argumenti I Facti and Trud are available on newsstands in Tashkent and are regularly read by the political elite and Uzbeki media persons.

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News Agencies There are three main news agencies. UzA is the national information agency, owned by the state and serving as a channel of information which is carefully screened before its distribution to newspapers. Jahon News Agency is run by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, reporting mostly on the Uzbek presence and activities of its diplomatic establishments abroad.

It also assists the flow of information from Uzbekistan to the outside world and, in the process, controls the content. It also serves as a liaison with representatives of the foreign media in the country. Lastly, Turkiston Press Outside World Agency is a new, independent agency established by young, professional journalists.

It has so far managed to steer clear of government intervention. Broadcast Media Radio Just as in television, there are state-owned and independent radio stations in Uzbekistan. The State Radio has FM, medium-wave and short-wave transmissions. The State Radio has four channels, each with its own specialty: Yet another government-owned radio station, "Radio Tashkent" broadcasts on a short-wave to numerous countries in 12 languages.

There are seven FM radio stations in the capital city of Tashkent, one independent station that covers the three provinces of Ferghana, Andijan, and Namanghan. It was established in with substantial assistance from the Konrad Adenauer Foundation in Germany and the International Center for the Training of Journalists. It has one-hour programs in Russian, Uzbek, and English every day and besides music, it broadcasts hourly news— local, national, and international. Television According to the U.

It is not designated as a "state" company by a decree of the Uzbek Cabinet, which expects it to be financially fully independent "as soon as possible. In order not to deprive people who would like to continue to watch Russian television as well as to cater to the sizeable ethnic Russian population in the cities, the government has encouraged the growth of cable TV, which operate as small stations providing individuals with such a service for a monthly fee.

The Uzbek government manages not to allow any "independent" TV stations to operate in the capital city of Tashkent, where political sensitivities matter far more than in smaller cities and towns and the rural areas.

The one exception is Channel 30 in Tashkent, which walks a tightrope in terms of self-censorship. It also transmits foreign and Russian licensed programs.

The independent stations mostly broadcast to provincial areas. Even so, they practice self-censorship, only less than the State TV. Most independent stations have outmoded equipment and depend on the U. Internews, which helps them by providing equipment and training.

Because most independent stations do not and cannot afford sophisticated editorial staff, the Internews collects news reports from most of these stations, develops them into a program, and then redistributes the news program to the stations ready for broadcast.

Although all independent stations are, by definition, financially independent, some of them, such as those in Samarkand and Andijan are well-funded and can afford plans for expansion and quality improvement.

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They have their own news programs at the local level and are not, to that extent, completely dependent on the Internews. Besides, they have their own talk shows, which they broadcast on their own FM radio stations as well. The State TV has four channels, each with a different coverage, language of broadcast, and content.

The Uzbek Channel 1 is the primary channel, and bears a resemblance to C-SPAN, with an emphasis on all government activities, speeches, and public events, with a pronounced political and economic bias. It covers one-half of the geographical area of the country. Although the channel is supposed to compete with Channel 1, its coverage, apart from some emphasis on "entertainment of the youth" covers political events such as presidential and parliamentary elections, political events, and talk shows on political and economic issues.

The channel uses both Uzbek and Russian in its broadcasts, It is, like Channel 1, subject to strict censorship. Channels 3 and 4 are entertainment-oriented with movies, and sports;Channel 3, also known as TTV because of its coverage focused on Tashkent, sometimes creates its own programs.

Copyright violations are routine in Uzbekistan despite the country's membership in the International Intellectual Property Organization.

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Electronic News Media There are several companies that provide paging, cellular phones, and cable TV—all of them based in Tashkent: Scooner Trading Telecom, U-tel, and Uzdunrobita. In the decade following its independence from the former Soviet Union, Uzbekistan's telephone services have improved remarkably.

So has the demand for telephones despite the increase in the tariff since the mids. The demand from rural areas has outpaced that from urban centers, with the overall increase in telephone connections totalling per cent since While it is almost impossible to gauge the numbers of users of the Internet anywhere, the impact of the Internet is far greater than such numbers may indicate.

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According to Yash Lange, who regularly monitors the media in the CIS, the access to the Internet is so far "confined to the educated, successful or often young" limited by the "obsolete telecommunication infrastructure" that inhibits expansion.

Thus, a survey conducted in January placed the number of hosts in Uzbekistan atwhich compares most unfavorably with Russia: There are several reasons for such a limited use of the Internet.

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Only a small minority can afford an IP connection that would enable them to surf the Web or have access to e-mail. It is also not possible to determine the exact number of users since the number of subscribers at the providers gives the number of connections, not the number of users, who pay a small fee to the subscribers for the facility.

This is especially true of universities and research institutes where a single connection may be used by several faculty, researchers, and students. While the cost of a connection is prohibitive, even the hourly use charge can be very high, particularly to young people who do not have access to a common academic facility.

The impediments to Internet expansion include poor telecommunications infrastructure, the over-loaded, low-speed international channels which make the use of the Web complicated. Another problem is the alphabet used by the receiver and the sender in transmitting the data if it is not in Roman script, which is used on the Internet.

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Moreover, the Internet is predominantly in English. Uzbekistan is, in this respect, way behind Russia and Ukraine; its newspapers are not yet on line. Summary The contradiction in President Karimov's pronouncements on the freedom of the press and the reality of repression was most clearly manifested in the case of Shodi Mardiev, a Uzbek state-run radio reporter sentenced by a Samarkand court on June 11, to 11 years in prison.

He was found guilty of slandering an official in a program satirizing the alleged corruption of the Samarkand deputy prosecutor and of attempting to extort money from him. According to the New York-based Committee for the Protection of Journalists CPJthe prosecution and the sentence were "in reprisal" for Mardiev's generally critical stance toward government officials.

In addition to writing to the Uzbekistan president, the CPJ drew attention to the plight of Mardiev and two other imprisoned journalists at hearings on human rights in Washington D. It was a matter of great relief and joy to the media community that Shodi Mardiev was released in Januaryin terms of a presidential amnesty order of August 22,marking the 10th anniversary of Uzbekistan's independence from the former Soviet Union. The amnesty was extended to some 18, ordinary prisoners including about religious and political detainees.

Mardiev was eligible for early release on grounds that he was over 60 he was 63 at the time of his release. A special circumstance that is advanced by the government as an excuse for "supervising" the media, is the need to contain the insurgency conducted by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan. Ironically, on June 27,declared "Press and Media Workers Day" in Uzbekistan, President Karimov warned the journalists that they would suffer serious consequences if they complained about restrictions even where the national security was involved.

It is not just the issues related to Islam that provoke the government's ire.